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Nabuco and crimes against humanity

In an interview with The Washington Post, the president-elect Rousseff criticized Brazil's abstention in the vote on UN resolution condemning Iran for human rights violations . 125 years ago, during the campaign abolitionist, Joaquim Nabuco, the centenary of whose death we celebrate this year, has faced similar problem and gave him a pioneer and clear answer.

Given the difficulties faced in the country by advocates of abolition, Nabuco decided to expand the arena of struggle and seek support public opinion in Europe, especially Britain. He traveled to London where he asked for and received strong support from the British and Foreign Society for the Abolition of Slavery. The decision cost him dearly. According denounced in a speech in the British capital in 1881, the Brazilian slave began to accuse him of encouraging a moral intervention of Europe in our domestic affairs, revealing to the world a disgrace that should be carefully concealed. Accused him, in other words, lack of patriotism, if not treason. Pecha similar, let us remember, was attributed to that during the military governments abroad denounced the crimes of the dictatorship. It was said then that the muckrakers were denigrating the name of the country. The prosecution struck Nabuco her deeply and tried to defend himself on several occasions.

Slavery, he claimed, was a crime condemned by civilization. We would say today, a crime against humanity. Combat it, raise Brazil to the level of civilization already reached by other people, could not be unpatriotic act. Convene international opinion to help us in this struggle was, rather, a patriotic service rendered to the Brazilian nation. In "abolitionism" denounced as one of the evils of slavery just to have it corrupted our patriotism by putting it in the service of a crime. Admitted no contradiction between naçãoe civilization. The nation was performed to incorporate the values of civilization. It was, in other words, the same argument of Jose Bonifacio in 1823. Slavery, said the Andrada, attacked the values of Christianity and civilization. With it you could not build a liberal nor a nation.

Nabuco it was also a pioneer. The idea of crimes against humanity, crimes that go beyond borders and national interests, is increasingly gaining acceptance. One of the good consequences of globalization is certainly the increasingly wide diffusion of the concept of human rights. The abolitionist certainly feel vindicated by the victory of his views. Even as a diplomat, he would brook no tolerance or indulgence in such crimes under any justification, ideological, political, pragmatic, or in defense of national sovereignty.

Joaquim Nabuco certainly agree with the terms of declarations of human rights Rousseff made to the reporter from the Washington Post.

José Murilo de Carvalho is a historian.

Originally published in O Globo newspaper on December 12, 2010.

Anti-perspirant That Does Not Leave White Marks

Chronicle of a routine that had almost

read a book last year remains in my memory is called "Life in Brazil" and was written by a guy named Thomas Ewbank.

Ewbank was an American who spent some months in Brazil in 1866. His notes on the daily Court turned into a book, whose subtitle is "Diary of a visit to the land of cacao and palm trees."

For some reason, "Life in Brazil" is not a book remembered with enthusiasm by the likes of Gilberto Freyre and Sérgio Buarque de Hollanda, the inventors of Brazil. There are few references to the work of Ewbank in his main books. They prefer other travelers, like Saint-Hillaire and Debret (although Freyre make reservations in principle to other French, who tend to exaggerate and lie in their reports). This gap is attracting more attention on "Mansions and the Shanties," Freyre's book that deals specifically with the period in which Ewbank was in Brazil. They mention "Life in Brazil" in his works, of course. But it's always sparingly, illustrating secondary themes and incidental way. It

a penalty. Ewbank's book is a fantastic tale of everyday country's capital in mid-nineteenth century. It's the kind of book that could be written by a foreigner, for whom everything seems normal and obvious is strange and different. It is precisely by not being inserted into everyday life, for not being accustomed to see everything every day has always little things you get their attention.

That was an important moment in the history of Brazil. The nineteenth century was the reeuropeização the country. After two centuries of isolation, in which we establish the foundation of our national identity by merging elements Europeans, blacks, Indians, and, incidentally, Asian - Heritage Portuguese seafaring tradition - the island Brazil back into contact with European civilization. And quickly changed their habits, customs and adopting entirely new concepts - such as replacing the beer aluá, the almost ubiquitous black frock coats and whole wheat bread that cassava would put aside. Ewbank may not be aware of this ongoing process, but to tell what he saw, provides important data for your understanding.

The best "Life in Brazil" is the result of the shock front Ewbank of the religious traditions of Brazil. Slavery, for example, does not it seem dreadful, after all, he was a country that had freed blacks had their shortly. That is why, with the exception of statements made almost in passing, is not the regime of slavery in Brazil that draws your attention the fact that a state accepts the servitude of a man. If something is not exactly the revolt legal system: there are abuses within that system. Only at the end of the book is a somewhat more forceful condemnation of slavery - but addressed primarily to slave owners who exploit them in excess, specifically the North (which, interestingly, also show clear memories of the Revolt of evils, in his almost respect for the Muslim slaves) and not regarding the legal regime that allowed a person possessed another.

If, for example, mentions the fact that they Benedictine monks who pray the most beautiful Masses of Brazil had hundreds of slaves on their farms, not exactly by indignation against slavery, but note the irony and contradiction in the religious discourse . Your goal is not to slavery: is Catholicism. This does not, however, he noted the physical deformities that forced inflicts on blacks, nor the beauty of slaves, or even if not astonished by the punishments inflicted.

If the fact be created within a tradition that tolerates slavery makes you complacent about the exploitation of Brazilian slaves, religion is another conversation. Ewbank was created in a country defined by the Puritan tradition.

That is what makes your book really interesting: his astonishment at the Brazilian Catholic tradition - the ritual, hypocritical, sensual and exuberant - and how it fits in an almost ubiquitous in daily life of Brazilians. Catholicism homeland, mainly because it has theatrical and obscurantist, fascinates Ewbank: absolutely everything is exotic to him. And the U.S. is shrewd enough to realize the extent of influence of the Church in the definition the national character. Ewbank ends up making an accurate account of the relationship with the Brazilian religion and society.

Those were different times. Processions succeeded as well as parades, and people kissed and banners with devotion or, more likely, relates to a social climate. Alms boxes were scattered in the streets. In all churches, people could take their measurements of the saints and devotion to pretend that there already, similar doses of mixed faith, hypocrisy and opportunism. The priests who were not outside with their faithful had a massive part in their communities. Superstitions which still survive today had an almost unimaginable force.

Ewbank was in Brazil when he began to worship here Priscilliana. He describes in great detail the process that created artificially in his view, a new object of worship. Does not hide his indignation at what he thinks, rightly, be a big hoax, but would point rather to describe what is happening.

It is obvious from the first pages of the book, the look of Ewbank is not impartial. He is definitely an American Protestant. In Rio de Janeiro in 1866, Ewbank could pass for a perfectly good English, with their dark clothes and his inability to mix with the locals, even showing a certain horror at the barbarism he witnessed the same time is influenced by Brazilian hospitality. Definitely, the Brazilian Catholicism was not "clean" as American Puritanism. How good Anglo-Saxon, Ewbank showed total lack of that plastic quality that enabled it that Portuguese is the most successful European civilization in the tropics.

But even partial, or perhaps because, Ewbank ran a look accurate. Man of good classical culture, is able to perceive the origins in eastern traditions such as Brazilian carnival, which would lead to the carnival. The colonial architecture private - that moment of growing urbanization began to disappear, with bearings and shutters on the windows giving way to windows and shutters - it draws attention, and gain in comparison with the Northern love of wood and plaster to. But even assuming the superiority of Brazilian architecture, it does not cease to horrify us with one of the key traits of our culture: the total disregard for the street, with the community. One trait that defines the personality of the Brazilian and easily understood by Ewbank, noting that while the Americans had brought the gutters that the rain water from roofs to the sidewalks, the Brazilian houses just toss the water on the street, and passersby how could it turn to.

When he returned to the United States, Ewbank took with him a sloth. The animal died during the trip. It may well have died of thirst: sloths do not drink water. And that simple fact might indicate the nature of a relationship north / south that continued until the present day. Ewbank was able to see what lay ahead, but was unable to understand, really. Still, the book he wrote from his experience in the land of palm trees is an important statement of the routine in the capital of the Brazilian empire. And, perhaps most importantly, allows a reasonably accurate comparison and provides elements important to understanding a past that still remains in modern Brazil. Originally

published on May 22, 2007 @ 0:00

Retrieved from
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The defense of state presence in the economy returns to Tariff

POLICY

Back to the future

The defense presence in the economy returns to the agenda

SUMMARY

Posta in check in the 80 and 90, the policy of social welfare and the strong presence of state in the economy back to the debate on testing of Tony Judt, pointing social harm resulting from the reduction of the state in the U.S. and Europe, and book on Eisenhower, the Republican chairman who had contributed to the New Deal Democrat.

RAFAEL Cariello

EVIL OUTBREAK, the crisis of 2008 forced the U.S. government to make heavy investments in critical areas of the economy as the banking industry and the automotive industry. To many observers, attending to the back of an intervention model that seemed to overcome since the coming to power of Republican Ronald Reagan in 1980.

The same debacle worsened over the following months, the record budget deficits of European countries, soon forced to cut spending and public benefits. Some assess that as a result of these decisions, the actual state of social welfare is at risk. The liberalizing reforms advocated by the Reagan and former British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher had finally reached continental Europe.

As you can see, these tests are contradictory, and rushed. Seek to understand the present moment under the two major political-ideological wave of the 20th century, hegemonic.

The history of these two models of state intervention, the Social Democrats, between the 30s and 70s, and liberal, in the two final decades of the century, is narrated by British social scientist Tony Judt (1948-2010) in the last book which appeared in life, "Ill Fares the Land" (something like "evil consumes the earth," title from a verse of the poet Oliver Goldsmith).

From Grande Depression, and with more force since the Second World War, the Social Democrats won the support of politicians from the center-right to center-left in the U.S. and Europe. With the exception of radical groups on both ends of the ideological spectrum, everyone seemed to agree on the need for the state to do this in broad sectors of the economy, public transport to the steel industry, without compromising the representative democracy.

For decades, the model worked well, until he went into crisis in 70 years. In the two final decades of the 20th century, the watchword was to make room for the market. Reducing the state to a minimum, removing them not only productive activity but also, in many areas of its regulatory role.

State intervention came to be blamed for social and economic ills of every kind, reversing the anti-liberal logic that will emerge from the crisis of the 30s. Neither model "pure-blood" appears to raise more unrestricted and general sympathies, although they still are inclined at trial Judt, for an excessive anti-statism.

Anyway, what once seemed to belong to the realm of history inexorably, to a process of linear development, today is the sphere of technology and politics. What contradictory narratives of the post-crisis in the U.S. and Europe demonstrate is that the presence in the economy and the provision of social security is in dispute, subject to adjustments in degree but not of nature.

Tony Judt takes sides in this clash and builds on "Ill Fares the Land" [Penguin USA, 256 pp., $ 47], a sophisticated libel against the excesses of deregulation and the dismantling of the state, standing up for social democracy and welfare services.

Their strategy is to present each argument as a pragmatic and moderate synthesis of ideological confrontations of the past. "We can free ourselves from the belief of the mid-20th century never universal, but certainly widespread, that the state is possibly the best answer to any problem. Now we must rid ourselves of the notion opposite, "he says. It is that" the State is, always and by definition, the worst possible choice. "

" If we were not able to learn anything more from the 20th century, we should at least have understood that the more perfect response to [our problems], most were terrible and frightening consequences. "

" Ill Fares the Land "is intended to submit to a generation that did not live the traumas of the Great Depression and World War II the reasons that helped to make near-consensus to defend the strong State presence in various sectors the economy-and the creation of large public systems of education, health and welfare.

For Judt, leaders and bureaucrats Americans and Europeans soon realized, with the end of the war that was necessary at all costs avoid the unprecedented levels of social and economic insecurity faced since the 1929 crisis and subsequent years, the led to the greatest military conflict in history.

was this sense of fear that fueled the Nazis, says Judt. The winners of the war, on both sides of the Atlantic, understood what was needed to prevent its resurgence. It is in this context that the state of social welfare, societies middle class and systems of "insurance" against public misfortunes.

The same applies to the U.S., always mindful to provide bows to economic liberalism and free enterprise. Among the New Deal in the 30s, and the presidency of Lyndon Johnson (1963-69), which gave itself the task of ending poverty in the richest country in the planet, the strong State presence in strategic sectors and policies on promoting social equality showed the world the American way of life. " The typical middle-class American 50's and 60 poses in her suburban home to a portrait of the time.

The process was not restrained or even under the sole Republican government (1953-1961) to stop the nearly four decades of prominence of the Democratic Party in American politics.

"It was a Republican president, Dwight Eisenhower, who authorized the massive interstate highway project, supervised by the federal government," argues historian, referring to the heavy investment in infrastructure that private enterprise would not have been able, alone, accomplish. "Despite all the rhetoric made obeisance to the competition and free markets, the U.S. economy depended largely on those years of protection from foreign competition, and standardization, regulation, subsidies, price adjustments and government guarantees. "

Reader conservative and suspicious of the arguments of a" socialist "Britain can check the correctness of description in" Going Home to Glory - A Memoir of Life with Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1961-1969 "[Simon & Schuster, 336 pp., R $ 63], written by David Eisenhower and Julie Nixon Eisenhower. The unsuspecting authors, married to another, known grandchildren of former Republican presidents, make up a memory of retirement years of the general who led the Allies against fascism.

Between games of bridge and golf, the former president strives, according to the narrative of his heirs, to impose a moderate line the Republican Party in 60 years. "Except in matters moral and sciences, radical views are always wrong," argues Eisenhower.
lovers of American politics are at work in description of the general's commitment to his brother Milton Republican candidate to succeed Johnson. "Its main problem," however, "was the ambiguous political commitment," said the more conservative opponents. Milton, who had worked under the leadership of Roosevelt, "had contributed enthusiastically to the New Deal." For reasons more or less voluntary, also his brother had given continuity to that work. As a skilled lawyer

its cause, Tony Judt is able to recognize exaggerations on state intervention. Statist options mid-century have not always led to good results, he admits. The increasing control and "planning" of society are major examples: urban interventions authoritarian, impersonal housing, inefficient meddling in economic sectors that would be better served by private enterprise. It seems unbelievable today

the British state has taken charge, for decades, until the sale of coffee and sandwiches served at railway stations (not fair, however, blame the state bureaucracy for the poor quality of food in the UK).

But nothing compares, according to the historian, the distortions promoted since the 1980s by the government "enterprisers." Judt uses statistical studies to make a compliment of social equality, achieved mainly in countries with greater state intervention, tax burden and public spending.

higher income inequality, the greater the incidence of health problems and social pathologies. "There's a reason the fact that infant mortality rates, life expectancy, crime, prison population, mental illness, unemployment, obesity, malnutrition, teenage pregnancy, drug abuse, economic insecurity, anxiety and debt accumulation are the worst in the U.S. and UK than in continental Europe. "

This, according to Tony Judt, the evils that consume the earth. Before die at the height of their productivity, a leading academic in the 20th century left a legacy of a manifesto on the need to hold them, with the help of the state, so moderate and cautious. "incremental advances from unsatisfactory conditions are best we can expect, and probably all that we seek. "

What's contradictory narratives? post-crisis in the U.S. and Europe is shown that the presence in the economy and the provision of services? social security? is in dispute

How skillful lawyer of his cause, Tony Judt is able to recognize exaggerations on state intervention. Statist options mid-century have not always led to good results.

(Removed from the Folha de Sao Paulo, 12/12/2010, Illustrious)

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The limits of political activism on social networks

SOCIETY

The revolution will not be tweeting

The limits of political activism ; tico social networks

SUMMARY

activism on social networks like Facebook and Twitter stems from weak links between its participants, who are not at risk as the real traditional militant, united by strong ties, steel ; es hierarchical and high risk, such as those organized during the campaign for civil rights in America for 60 years.

Malcolm Gladwell
translation PAUL Migliacci

TO FOUR AND A HALF the afternoon of Monday 1 / 2 / 1960, four students sat the lunch counter of a Woolworth's store in downtown Greensboro, North Carolina. Were freshmen at North Carolina A & T, for black college located just over 1 km away.

"A coffee, please," said one, Ezell Blair, the waitress.

"Do not serve niggers here," she said.

The long counter in L contained 66 seats, at one end, he ate himself up. The seats were for whites. The area where they ate was standing for blacks. Another employee, a charge of black glass, tried to convince them to leave: "You are being stupid, your ignorant." They did not move.

At about half past five main doors of the store were closed. The four remained there. Finally, left by a side door. From the outside, had formed a small crowd, including a photographer for the "Record" of Grensboro. "I'll be back tomorrow with the whole A & T College," said one of the university. On the morning

Next, the protest had spread and the group totaled 27 men and four women, in much of the same household of four original protesters. The men were in suits and ties. All material and were led on the counter, studying. On Wednesday came the accession of the college students "for niggers" of Greensboro, the Dudley High, and the number of protesters has risen to 80. On Thursday, there were already 300, including three whites, the local campus of the University of North Carolina.

On Saturday, the protest had 600 people, scattered on the sidewalks around the store. Teens watched white, waving flags Confederação.1 Somebody dropped a firecracker. At noon came the football team at A & T. "Here come the thugs," yelled one of the white students.

the second following the protest had already arrived in Winston-Salem, 40 miles away, and Durham, 80 km. The next day came the accession of students from Fayetteville State Teachers College and Johnson C. Smith College in Charlotte, followed on Wednesday by the students of St. Augustine's College and Shaw University in Raleigh. On Thursday and Friday, the protest passed through the boundaries of the state and new manifestations appeared in Hampton and Portsmouth, Va., in Rock Hill, South Carolina, and in Chattanooga, Tennessee. At the end of the month, similar events were being held across the southern United States, coming to Texas in the west.

FEVER

"I asked each of the students who had been found as the first day of protest on their campus," wrote political scientist Michael Walzer? In the journal "Dissent". "The response was always the same: 'It was a fever. Everyone wanted to participate '. "
Finally, about 70 000 students joined. Thousands were arrested, and many others were radicalized. These events of the early '60s became one of civil war that engulfed the southern United States by the end of the decade, and it all happened without e-mail, text messaging, Facebook or Twitter.

They say the world is undergoing a revolution. The new social networking tools reinvented social activism. With Facebook, Twitter and the like, the traditional relationship between political authority and popular will was reversed, which facilitates mutual collaboration and organization of the powerless and give voice to their concerns.

VIA TWITTER REVOLUTION

When 10 000 people took to the streets in Moldova, Eastern Europe, second quarter of 2009, in protest against the communist government, the action gained the name of revolution via Twitter, because the means used to engage the protesters.
Months later, when protests student shook Tehran, the U.S. State Department took the unusual step of asking the Twitter to suspend a scheduled break for site maintenance, because the government did not want a tool so vital was inactive at the height of the demonstrations. "Without Twitter, the people of Iran would not have felt able and confident enough to come out in defense of freedom and democracy," wrote former national security adviser, Mark Pfeifle, calling on the Twitter won the Nobel Peace Prize If

before the activists were defined by their causes, are now defined by the tools they employ. The Warriors enter the Facebook Internet to push for changes. "You sãoa our great hope," said James Glassman, a former senior State Department official, to an audience of cyberactivists in a recent conference sponsored by Facebook, AT & T (Phone Company ; single) Howcast (video site), Google and MTV.

Sites like Facebook, Glassman said, "offer the U.S. a significant competitive advantage towards terrorists. Some time ago I said that "Al Qaeda is dining us in the internet '. It is no longer so. Al Qaeda is still stalled in Web 1.0. The Internet now is interactivity and conversation. "

CRITICAL

claims are strong and intriguing. Who cares who who dines on the Internet? People who are on Facebook are really our greatest hope? As for the so called revolution via Twitter Moldova, Evgeny Morozov, a researcher at Stanford University who has been one of the most persistent critics of digital evangelism, shows that the importance of Twitter is almost nil in Moldova, where there are very few accounts of this service.

And what happened there either seems to have been a revolution, especially because-like manifestations Anna Applebaum suggested in an article in the Washington Post - indeed may have been a encenaçã , organized by the government. (In a country with paranoid vindictiveness Romanian protesters unfurled a banner at the headquarters of the Romanian Parliament.)

In the case of Iran, people who used Twitter to comment on the demonstrations almost every lived in the West. "It's time to clarify the role of Twitter in the events in Iran," wrote Golnaz Esfandiari months ago in the journal Foreign Policy. " "In summary: In Iran, there was no revolution via Twitter.

The cast of prominent bloggers like Andrew Sullivan, who defended the role of social network in Iran, Esfandiari said, did not understand the situation right. "Western journalists who could not-or not even trying to communicate with people in Iran simply went through the list of 'tweets' in English, containing the tag # iranelection," she wrote in February. "Meanwhile, nobody seems to have wondered why people supposedly trying to coordinate the protests in Iran would not be communicating in farce, but in another language."

Part of that bombast is predictable. Innovators tend to solipsism. Every now and then struggle to fit into their new models the most disparate events and experiences. How

wrote historian Robert Darnton, "the wonders of communications technology in this produced a false-consciousness about the past and even the perception that the communication not have the history, or nothing to important to consider before the days of televisãoe the Internet. "

ENTHUSIASM

But there's another factor at play in this disproportionate enthusiasm for social networks. Fifty years after one of the most extraordinary episodes of social upheaval in U.S. history, seem to have forgotten what is activism.

In the early 60's, Greensboro was the kind of place where racial insubordination was routinely suppressed with violence. The first four students to sit at the counter reserved for whites were appalled. "If someone had come up behind me and yelled 'bu', I think I would fall down, "one said later.

On the first day, the manager notified the police chief, who immediately sent two officers to the store. On the third day, a group of white thugs appeared in the cafeteria and stood behind the protesters menacingly, uttering epithets like "nigger bad hair." A local leader of the Ku Klux Klan appeared. On Saturday, while the tension grew, someone called and gave a false bomb and the shop had to be evacuated.

The dangers were clearer in the Mississippi Freedom Summer Project of 1964, another year of pioneering civil rights movement. The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee has enlisted hundreds of unpaid volunteers in the northern U.S., nearly all white, to teach in Freedom Schools, register voters and promote black civil rights in the Deep South.

"Nobody can go alone anywhere, much less by car and at night," were the instructions given to volunteers. A few days after arriving on the Mississippi, three of them, Michael Schwerner, James Chaney and Andrew Goodman, were abducted and murdered, by the end of that summer, 37 black churches were burned and dozens of homes used as shelters were attacked with bombs; volunteers were beaten, shot at and chased by trucks full of armed men. A quarter of program participants dropped out. Activism that challenges the status quo-and-attack deep-rooted problems is not to soft-ass.

COMMITMENT

What leads a person to this type of activism? Doug McAdam, a sociologist at Stanford University, compared the deserters from the Freedom Summer program with those who chose to stay, and found that the crucial difference, contrary to what one might expect, was not ideological fervor. "All subscribers-both those who stayed and those who withdrew, were highly committed to the cause and were supporters of the articulated goals and values of the program," he concluded.

The decisive factor was the degree of personal connection between the person and the civil rights movement. Were asked all volunteers to provide a list of personal contacts, people who wanted to keep track of their activities-and thus the likelihood of having friends who were also going to Mississippi was much higher among those who stayed than among those leaving the program. The high-risk activism, McAdam concluded, is a phenomenon of "strong ties".

The pattern is repeated in most cases. A study on the Brigate Rosse [Red Brigades], the terrorist group Italian 70 found that 70% of his recruits had at least one good friend in the organization. The same applies to men who joined the Mujahideen in Afghanistan. Even events that seem revolutionary spontaneous, as those that led to the fall of the Berlin Wall, East Germany, are at its core, the phenomena of strong ties.

The East German opposition movement consisted of hundreds of groups, each consisting of about a dozen members. Each group had limited contact with the others: at the time, only 13% of East Germans had a telephone. All we knew was that, on the night of Monday, before the church of St. Nicholas, the center of Leipzig, people gathered to express their anger against the state. And the primary determinant those who attended were the "critical friends"-the more friends a person critical of the regime had, the more likely to join the protest.

LINKS

Therefore, a crucial fact about the four freshmen who were segregated into the cafeteria of Greensboro-David Richmond, Franklin McCain, Ezell Blair and Joseph McNeil were links-mu who kept thy. McNeil shared a room with Blair in the housing A & T. Upstairs, Richmond shared the room with McCain, and Blair, Richmond and McCain were students at Dudley High School.

The four took beer on the sly for housing and talked through the night, Blair's room and McNeil. Had in mind the murder of Emmett Till in 1955, the bus boycott in Montgomery, Ala., in the same year and the confrontation in Little Rock, Ark., in 1957.

was McNeil who came up with the idea of the protest at Woolworth's. Discussed the issue for nearly a month. One day, McNeil entered the room and asked his friends whether they were ready.

There was a pause, McCain said, in a way that only works with friends who spent long nights talking, "You truce or we go forward? ". Ezell Blair took courage to ask for the coffee, the next day because it was accompanied by her roommate and two best friends since high school.

WEAK LINKS

activism associated with social networks has nothing in common with it. The platforms of these networks are built around weak ties. Twitter is a way to follow (or be followed by) people who may have never met face to face. Facebook is a tool to manage your list of acquaintances, to contact people from whom you otherwise would have little news. That's why you can have a thousand "friends" on Facebook, something impossible in real life.

In many ways, this is wonderful. There is strength in weak ties, as noted by the sociologist Mark Granovetter. Our known-and not our friends-sãoa our greatest source of new ideas and information. The Internet allows us to exploit the power of these forms of distant connection with marvelous efficiency.

is sensational for the diffusion of innovations, interdisciplinary collaboration, to integrate buyers and sellers and for the logistics functions of female conquests. Weak links but rarely lead to high-risk activism.

VIRTUES

In a book called "The Dragonfly Effect - Quick, Effective, and Powerful Ways to Use Social Media to Drive Social Change" [The Dragonfly Effect - Quick Ways, Effective and Powerful Use Social Networks to Promote Social Change, ed. Jossey-Bass], the business consultant Andy Smith and Jennifer Aaker, a professor in the school of business Stanford admininistração tell the story of Sameer Bhatia, a young entrepreneur from Silicon Valley who one day found to be suffering from acute leukemia mielálgica. The case serves as a perfect illustration of the virtues of social networks.

Bhatia needed a bone marrow transplant, but found no donor among his relatives and friends. The chances would be greater if the donor had their ethnicity, and there were few donors South Asia in the database of American bone marrow.

Therefore, Bhatia's partner sent an email in which he explained the problem of friend to more than 400 of his acquaintances, who in turn forwarded to your contacts, Facebook pages and videos YouTube campaign were created for the Help Sameer. Finally, almost 25 000 new donors enrolled in the database and found an Bhatia compatible with it.

But as the campaign got the accession of so many? Why not ask for anything more participants. It is the only way to get someone you do not really know anything for their benefit. Can you get thousands of people signing up as donors because they do it is incredibly easy. Just send a simple sample of genetic material-in the highly unlikely event that the donor's bone marrow is compatible with someone who needs it, spend a few hours in hospital.

Donating bone marrow is not trivial. But it does not involve financial risk or personal does not mean spending a summer whole being chased by trucks full of armed men. It requires confronting entrenched social norms and practices. Actually, it's the kind of engagement that brings praise and social recognition.

DISTINCTION

evangelists of social networks do not understand this distinction, seem to believe that a Facebook friend and a real friend sãoa same thing, and sign up for a list of donors in Silicon Valley today is activism in the sense that asking for a coffee in a segregated restaurant Greensboro in 1960.

"Social networks are especially effective in enhancing motivation," they wrote Aaker and Smith. Not true. Social networks are effective to increase participation, but reducing the level of participation requires motivation.

's page on Facebook Save Darfur Coalition has 1,282,339 members, whose average donation is nine cents per capita. The second largest provider of assistance to Darfur on Facebook has 22,073 members and their donations per capita are 35 cents. The Help Save Darfur has 2,797 members, who donated an average of 15 cents.

A spokesman for the Save Darfur Coalition told Newsweek that "does not necessarily evaluate the value of one for the motion based on the amounts donated. This is a powerful mechanism to promote the involvement of a critical population.

They inform the community, attend events, do volunteer work. It's not something that can be measured by numbers. "

In other words, the activism on Facebook makes sure not to motivate people to make sacrifices real, but to motivate them to do what one does when one is not motivated enough for a real sacrifice. We are far from the lunch counter in Greensboro.

MILITARY CAMPAIGN

Students who participated in protests in the southern U.S. in early 1960 described the move as a "fever". But the civil rights movement had more than military campaign that contagion.

In the late 50's, 16 similar protests had been organized in several southern cities, 15 of which formally coordinated by civil rights organizations like the NAACP [English acronym of the National Association for Population Progressive Color] and CORE [acronym in English for Congress of Racial Equality]. Possible locations for protests have been mapped. Were traced plans. Activists of the movement promoted the training sessions and retreats with potential participants. The four

Greensboro emerged as the basic product of this work: they were members of the NAACP Youth Council. Had strong links with the director of the local chapter of the organization. They were briefed on the previous wave of protests in Durham and attended a series of meetings in churches of movement activists.

When the protests have spread across the south from Greensboro, the spread did not occur randomly. Protests emerged in cities that had the motion-cell nuclei of activists dedicated, trained, ready to convert the "fever" in action.

HIGH RISK

The civil rights movement activism was high risk. He was also, and this is important, strategic activism: a challenge to the establishment, fitted with precisãoe discipline. The NAACP was a centralized organization, with command in New York, according to highly formalized operating procedures.

In Southern Christian Leadership Conference, Martin Luther King Jr. (1929-68) exercised unquestioned authority. The black church had a central position in the movement and, as pointed out by Aldon Morris in his The Origins of the Civil Rights Movement, "a splendid study published in 1984, maintained a carefully demarcated division of tasks, with various standing committees and groups disciplined.

"Each group had a defined mission, and coordinated their activities through structures of authority," writes Morris. "The individuals were responsible for tasks they were designated and major conflicts were resolved by the pastor, who generally held the final authority over the congregation. "

HIERARCHY

This is the second crucial distinction between activism Traditional and its variant Online: social networks do not lend themselves to this kind of hierarchical organization.

Facebook and similar sites are tools for building networks and in terms of structure and character, sãoo opposite of hierarchies. Unlike hierarchies, with their rules and procedures, the networks are not controlled by a central authority and unique. Decisions are taken by consensus, and the bonds that tie people to the group are weak.

This structure makes the network immensely flexible and adaptable to situations of low risk. Wikipedia is a perfect example. No one installed editor in New York that target and correct each entry. The production effort of each entry is self-organized. If all Wikipedia entries are erased tomorrow, the content will be quickly restored, because this is what happens when a network of thousands of people devote time to a task spontaneously.

There is, however, many networks do not do things right. Automakers, sensibly, use a network structure for organizing your hundreds of vendors, but not to design cars. Nobody would believe that the articulation of a coherent philosophy of design would work better as an organizational system scattered and without leadership.

Lacking a centralized liderançae of clear lines of authority, the networks are real difficulties to reach consensus and set goals. They can not think strategically, they are chronically prone to conflicts and errors. How to make hard choices about tactics, strategies or philosophical orientation when everyone has the same power?

PROBLEMS

The Organization for the Liberation of Palestine (PLO) emerged as a network, and tested recently in the journal International Security, "experts in international relations Eilstrup Mette-Sangiovanni and Calvert Jones argue that this is the reason why the organization ; will have encountered many problems while growing up: "Traces structural characteristics of networks-the absence of central authority, autonomy unrestricted of rival groups and failure to arbitrate disputes through formal mechanisms, the PLO became excessively vulnerable to manipulation external and internal disputes. "

"In Germany of 70 years," the two continue, "the left-wing terrorists, more united and successful, they tended to be organized hierarchically, with professional management and clear division of tasks. Were geographically concentrated in universities, where they could provide central leadership, confiançae camaraderie through regular meetings, face to face. "

It was rare that they turn over their comrades in police interrogations. Already cash equivalents on the right is organized as decentralized networks and did not keep similar discipline. It was common that these groups were infiltrated, and that its members, when detained by police, surrender his companions easily. Similarly, al Qaeda was more dangerous when they had a unified hierarchy. Now that dissipated in the network, has proved far less effective.

SYSTEMIC CHANGE

The disadvantages of networks matter little when they are not interested in systemic change, if they wish only to frighten, humiliate, or make noise, or where no need to think strategically. But if the goal is to fight a powerful and organized, you need a hierarchy. The boycott of the bus service in Montgomery demanded the participation of tens of thousands of people who depended on public transportation to get to work and back every day. And it lasted a year.

In order to persuade people to remain faithful to the cause, the organizers instructed each local black church to maintain high morale and set up an alternative system of carpool who had 48 operators and 42 breakpoints . Even the Council White Citizens, King said later acknowledged that the system worked carpool with "military precision".

When King went to Birmingham, Ala., for the decisive showdown with the city's police commissioner, Eugene "Bull" Connor, had a budget of U.S. $ 1 milhãoe a team of 100 full-time employees, already installed in the city and divided into operational cells. The action was divided into stages, which gradually intensified and were mapped in advance. The support was maintained through successive meetings, in rotation among the city's churches.

MORAL LEGITIMACY

Boycotts, protests and clashes nonviolent weapons-preferred civil rights movement-are high-risk strategies.

They leave little room for conflict and error. At a time when a single protester abandons the script and react to a provocation, the moral legitimacy of every protest is compromised. The enthusiastic social networks undoubtedly would have us believe that the role of King in Birmingham would be greatly facilitated if it could use Facebook to communicate with his followers and contented himself with sending tweets from a cell.

But the networks are confusing, think of the pattern of incessant correçãoe review, amendments and debates featuring the Wikipedia. If Martin Luther King had tried a "wiki-boycott" in Montgomery, would have been crushed by the white power structure. And who would use a digital communication tool in a city where 98% of the black community could be reached in church every Sunday?

In Birmingham King needed discipline and strategy, the kind of things that social networks are not able to provide.

POWER OF ORGANIZATION

The bible of the movement of social networks is "Here Comes Everybody", Clay Shirky, professor at the University of New York. He tries to show the organizational power of the internet and begins the story of Evan, who worked on Wall Street, and his friend Ivanna, you forgot your smart-phone, an expensive Sidekick in stock a New York taxi.

The telephone company transferred the phone data lost Ivanna a new device and thus the owner and discovered that Evan Sidekick was in possession of a Queens teenager who was using it to take pictures of herself and her friends. When Evan

sent you an email asking you to return the phone, Sasha replied that he was a "white pussy" did not deserve to have him back. Enraged, he set up a web page with a picture of Sasha and a description of what happened. Forwarded the link to friends, who gave it to other friends. Someone located the page Sasha's boyfriend on MySpace and a link to it was created on the site.

Someone found her address on the web and released a video showing the house when it went from there by car, Evan has posted a video on the site. The story got featured on Digg, a news aggregator site. Evan went on to receive ten emails per minute. Created an online forum for your readers to tell their stories, but the visits were so many who lived down the server. Ivanna

Evan and sought the police but the police report defined the cell as "lost", not "stolen", which meant that in practice, the case was closed.

"By then, millions of readers were following," writes Shirky, "and dozens of vehicles in the mainstream media had mentioned the story." Bowing to pressure, the New York police reclassified the phone as "stolen." Sasha was arrested and her friend Evan got the Sidekick back.

Shirky's argument is that this is the kind of thing that could ever have happened in the era before the Internet-and he's right. Evan would not have been able to find Sasha.

The story of the Sidekick would never have been disclosed. An army of people would not have been formed to join the battle. The police would not have caved to pressure from a person just by something as trivial as a lost cell phone. The case, according to Shirky, illustrates "the ease and speed with which a group can be mobilized for the right kind of cause" in the Internet age.

DANGER

According to Shirky, this model of activism is higher. But in fact, is merely a form of organization that favors the weak-link connections that give us access to information, to the detriment of connections saw ; nculo strong that help us to persevere in the face of danger.

Download our energies of the entities that promote strategic activities and disciplined for those that promote flexibility and adaptability. Makes it easier activists to express themselves, and harder, that expression has any impact.

instruments of social networks are able to make more effective the existing social order. There are natural enemies of the status quo.

If, in your opinion, the world just needs a slight polishing, it should not cause you concern. But if you believe that there are still coffee shops because they are integrated into the world, this trend should bother you.

rotund, Shirky concludes the story of Sidekick lost by asking: "What's Next?"-And, indeed, imagine digital future waves of protesters.

But he has already answered the question. What is coming is the same thing repeatedly. A world made up of networks and weak ties are good for things like help people recover from Wall Street to phones from the hands of teenage girls. Viva la revolución.

---

Translator's note
1. southern states who joined the U.S. against the north during the Civil War (1861-65).
2. In microblogging service Twitter, the "tags" are terms preceded by the symbol #, used to collect all the messages on the same issue as # illustrious.

Fifty years after one of the most extraordinary episodes of social upheaval in U.S. history, seem to have forgotten what is activism

activism that challenges the status quo - deep-rooted problems and attacks, not to soft-ass

evangelists of social networks do not understand this distinction, seem to believe that a Facebook friend and a real friend sãoa same

Even manifestations s revolutionary that seem spontaneous, as those that led to the fall of the Berlin Wall, East Germany, are at its core, the phenomena of strong ties

Opposite to ; River hierarchies, rules and procedures, networks are not controlled by a central authority. Decisions are taken by consensus, and the bonds that tie people to the group are weak

Lacking a centralized liderançae of clear lines of authority, the networks are real difficulties to reach consensus and set goals

(Removed from the Folha de S. Paulo, 12/12/2010, Illustrious).

Prominent Veins In My Breast

The biography of Hitler and the making of editing

The biography of Hitler: the assistant editor Otavio Marques da Costa, Blog Companhia das Letras, talks about the book and the making of the issue:

Plaque broken

by Otavio Marques da Costa

There is much to say about Hitler by Ian Kershaw - perhaps the fullest account, and, without doubt, the most fluent already ; written about the German dictator - but when you edit our translation was fascinated by the bizarre routine of Monster. This

Hitler everyday contradicts the stereotype of the German disciplined and organized. Already living in the Reich Chancellery, Hitler usually sleep early, wake up just after noon, delayed two hours to show up at the lunch table, and gave frequent cakes on your guests. He was also lazy: he avoided the dull meetings on financial and budgetary matters strictly and little worried about the practical basis for their dreams megalomania. Even in matters of military strategy dictator was a dilettante - before acting on impulse with reason, not much concerned with understanding of military science or hear the advice of the high summits of the Armed Forces. Really liked was watching movies with sugar water before bed, and admire its Neoclassical models of cities to rebuild the Reich victorious.

talent handler masses - Kershaw as recognized by the great success of the dictator - contrasted with the coldness and distance in personal relationships. There seem to be intentionally restricted his circle "next" to strengthen the myth of the Führer, Hitler was always averse the personal contacts, a weirdo. She had one genuine friend in life - August Kubizek, times of hardship and failure in Linz and Vienna (where he took the classic pump in the examination for admission to the School of Fine Arts) & mdash , and seems to have genuinely loved only his mother. Few have met him in moments of true "relaxation." From nobody was really close - his first "girlfriend" that have been reported, the niece Geli Raubal was more an adornment to a companion, Eva Braun, whom he always kept out of public view and only officially took over the bunker, a ruse to break the ice in tense moments. The "honored" with the interaction of leader, kept a few good memories. Besides the famous hysterical and bigoted diatribes and endless harangues, his breath smelling of Hitler rebuffed international legatees.

phobia if the contact was aggravating the increasing hypochondria, which also yields curious data, such as diet vegeterian radical and increasingly sparse, and the long dependence of one miraculous drops the cocaine base, his unorthodox personal physician will apply until the last days the bunker.

* * * * *

On this side of the balcony, the work was arduous. But the comings and goings of editing a book grandinho "tiny time - Hitler was the highest volume ever published by, I told the production department - have been well illustrated by my colleague Lucila, in his post about not silence that does not end there, of Ingrid Betancourt. Thus, as the post has been a long, I think it is worthy to play only an anecdote of "hoop": the choice of cover.

We were all anxious to see what would show Kiko Farkas. The cover of the hardcover edition was an American anticlichê: a photograph of Hitler at the Berghof reading placidly, his refuge Alpine, with the backdrop of the Bavarian mountains. It looks like a respectable gentleman, quiet, a vacation season in the field. We had to do something to match.

They first proposal sent by the studio machine: the approved, a photograph of Hitler in civilian clothes, sitting on a high-backed chair beside his sheepdog Wolf - the broken plate of a photo official rejected. If one hand is the image of evil (perhaps thanks to our eyes trained to associate evil to Hitler), also shows weakness, the body twisted in an effort to make your feet reach the ground, the saddest eyes that martial. It is not difficult to know why it was rejected by the Nazi propaganda.

The other was a cover graphic: on a red background, a large black rectangle dent in the top right and another similar, but smaller and parallel to the publisher's logo in the center of the cover. A, Fringe, another mustache. Forms of minimalism, the picture emerges of the Monster.

After some internal debate, we were "in the tradition," and we get the picture. The cracks on the plate - the only one tragic symbol of the end time and access to the setback of the object (the whole purpose of biography) - and Hitler's discomfort with the height of the chair were compelling. But to appease his remorse for "wasting" a good cover so we decided to reproduce it here on the blog. Retrieved from

http://www.blogdacompanhia.com.br/2010/12/a-chapa-quebrada/

Waverunner Yamaha Gp1200 Engine

Historiography and spatiality

reproduce excellent article published on the blog "To understand history," Fábio Pestana Ramos. Fabio holds a Ph.D. in History Social USP and university teacher:

Historiography and spatiality

The approach to spatiality in the context of historiography, has two distinct forms of analysis.

First and most obvious point, one that encompasses the concept of history as a study of man in time and space, territoriality geographical addressed by historians.

Then a more comprehensive and relevant theme to the historiography, the division of historical knowledge in areas Theoretical diversified, within which the geographic question is also present as a small part of its wide wingspan.

Thinking conceptually, the story refers to "always certain processes of human life in a diachronic - that is, during the passage of time - or that relate in other ways, but always very intensely, with an idea of temporality. "

As established to linguistics, also the successive terms in history not replace each other over time, making the historicity of a succession of events, studied by means of sync, the understanding of the structures.

A perspective that refers to the geographical and political context, the social space that ends entering the imagery, iconography, literature, and finally the virtual spaces, while penetrating the local and regional levels.

approach until the 1950s, most commonly carried by geographers, sociologists and anthropologists, in a sense, linked with the Oral History individual reports written by unregistered, restricted to the memory of certain people.

Thus, these studies are just a small piece of the great theoretical web that has formed around the professionalized historiography since the nineteenth century.

From the pursuit of scientific, there is now a wealth of historical knowledge shared by the fields, for example, Social History, Economic History, History Cultural, Demographic History, History Politics, History Serial, Micro-History and History Quantitative.

All of them, notions that refer to dimensions or factors that help define the political, social, economic and cultural reference to classifications that relate to the type sources with which historians deal, or the approaches used to address these sources.

In fact, ratings that bring internally subdivisions regarding the environments, subjects and objects, resulting historiographical other looks like the History of Women, Children's Story, a History of Marginal, History of Cities, Rural History, History of Sexuality and hysteria ; Art laughed.

Spatiality tambéma territories belonging historiographical theorists have determined that the narratives, forming schools of thought such as positivism, the methodical German school, Marxism and Annales.

Not to mention the regions that the story borders on other areas of human knowledge, which would pass on the history and philosophies of the various concepts involved.

Although geographical spatiality and concerning the division of historical knowledge in fields, at first glance may seem distinct, are closely related, are interdependent.

As the story a science that studies the past, analyzing the changes, to understand the present; this attempt to rescue the last study of man in time and space, always a bias for theoretical concepts that complement and blend together to build historical knowledge.

Therefore, to analyze the composition of contemporary historiography, raises this dual debate, because the very concept of interdisciplinarity, which brought the story to the issue of geographical spaces Charts, took a look formally belonging to another form of spatiality: the theoretical.

The History and Geography before Annales

History and geography are the social sciences that differ from the natural sciences, biological or accurate.

While the story examines the historical processes, seeking the development of social organization, economic, political, administrative and cultural.

Geography studies the territories and its transformation, seeks to analyze the human being within the context nature, its relationship with the changes it causes.

apparently distinct as to subject matter and approach, are areas that complement and complete.

A reflection that was conceived by geographers and anthropologists long before the historians glimpse.

Until the eighteenth century, geography has not yet considered a science, tried to work with general themes, cosmographic, placing the Earth in the universe and know it and trying to decipher it; work was descriptive, empirical, using an approach that mirrored the dichotomy methodological mathematized.

However, as Milton said Santos in the late nineteenth century, geography was reborn committed to imperialist ideology dominant at the time.

passed to establish a science and philosophy that theorized and justified colonialism, with new territorial conquests, political and economic, making wide use of history to theorize and justify European domination , went to Africa and Asia. The

anthropological view, even before the appearance of this area of human knowledge and science, texts of philosophers, chroniclers, travelers and soldiers portrayed the human experience, linking it to geographical issues specific circumstances, to explain the development of civilizations, religions and cultures.

In the eighteenth century, the Enlightenment anthropology rationalized, discussing the relationships between people, again using auxiliary tools such as history and geography.

Although these works were restricted to individual narratives that pass, in the nineteenth century, also serve to justify Eurocentric theories that inferior peoples dominated by colonialism, as the natives of America.

In history, geography was present only at the beginning of the twentieth century, when ideas developed by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, in the late nineteenth century were incorporated into the theory of history. Anxious to demonstrate that capitalism would be a transient event, before the emergence of a revolutionary class, the emergence of a communal society; finished transposing concepts important to the theoretical context of historical knowledge, creating a new school of historiography.

Marx created a rational system of interpreting reality, conceived in terms of movement and change, marked by economic determinism, combining philosophical reflection with political practice.

originated such a wide range of interpretations and developments that Marx himself, before dying, said to make sure he does not was a Marxist.

One of these developments was the emergence of the Marxist school of historiography, deeply concerned with theoretical issues, as Marx to a theory could not be thought without correspondence with the historical context and should find their roots in reality to transform it.

This feature, in specific, also created splits within the Marxist school of historiography, making it somewhat confusing, in spite of two common characteristics in all directions: the adoption of dialectical and historical materialism as the central focus of analysis, focused, obviously, to achieve the Marxist principles.

Marx had borrowed the concept of Hegel's dialectic, the examination of thesis, antithesis and synthesis, forming a sort of dialogue with himself, which should foster revolutionary practice; appropriating the concept of historical materialism of Feuerbach, a trend that started from the economic basis to explain other levels reality such as religion or politics.

This bias has turned the story into a theoretical concept aimed at transforming society, a revolutionary practice of science through the study of the past.

concept that needed the context of territoriality to manifest itself as a method of analysis embedded in historiography, as historical materialism was one of the issues geographical determinants economic conditions and, consequently, political, social and cultural rights.

However, the true interdisciplinarity between history and geography began to be built only with geographical school of Paul Vidal de la Blache, a geographer who has worked together with historians from 1905 by establishing relations between the notion of "space" and "region."

The geographic model La Blache was opposed to the school of German geographical Ratzel.

While the latter was frankly deterministic, giving an almost linear influence of environment on human destiny, La Blache worked with the idea of a geographical possibilities.

This means that, even putting the geographical environment in the center of the analysis of human life, La Blache sought to emphasize the various possible responses that could be raised by humans face the challenges of the medium.

Later, Lucien Febvre, and later Braudel, would adopt this model, inspiring further work that would become classics of historiography conceived around the spatiality.

The geographical spatiality in Annales

The rise of the Annales School in 1929, a critical reaction to historical conceptions of the nineteenth century, notably rejecting positivist and methodical emphasis on politics, diplomacy and wars, as well as the economistic approach of Marxism, brought the question of spatiality in the final for the story, ie in a double sense, both geographical am as theoretical.

Annales wanted to adopt a sociological approach, combining the study of geography sociology and history to understand the facts and historical changes, paying special attention to everyday life.

Breaking with the old methods, started at the same time, a new approach to analyze the facts in time and space, revisiting the concept of history.

This is purposed to discuss the history, against the collection of facts perpetrated by previous trends.

Circumscribed to academics, conceptualizing the story broadly, encompassing the study of human production alive; Annales unfolded in various theoretical lines and fields of research, notably serving as basis for creating departments of both economic and social history by fostering debate about the theoretical nature of historical knowledge, now incorporated into the historiographical landscape.

However, the earlier presentations of this new way of thinking about history, and applications of concepts derived from spatial geographical school of Paul Vidal de la Blache, appeared in the work history with Earth and Human Evolution, published in 1922 by Lucien Febvre Therefore, even from before the foundation of the journal Annales: economics, society and civilization.

Febvre pioneered the modern concept of spatiality historical, describing the relationship between the physical environment and society, seen as necessary elements to study the macro-issues. Within this context

, represented the second generation of Annales, Fernand Braudel revolutionized in fact the approach of territorial spatiality, uniting assumptions of history and geography, with the publication of The Mediterra ; neo and the Mediterranean world at the time of Philip II in 1949.

At work, he showed how it was possible to decompose the time the story unfolded plans: the individual time, social time and time geography.

individual would be fixed in time history not as a collectivity of man, but of man as an individual, with rapid and dynamic changes, allowing the historian to observe events.

Exactly the kind of approach that would concentrate most of the historiography, and the short duration of time, all that changes very quickly, therefore, more easily seen.

Social time would be the plan by which we can observe the social history of groups and clusters, belonging to a slowly paced story, which is limited to population growth and the economy, elements belonging to long duration.

would, therefore, the time of the structures that change very slowly, making those who experience it is not aware of these changes, in this sense, resembling more to that then it was called the average duration.

time represent a geographic history almost motionless, which satisfies man's relationship with its environment.

A story that is slowly and suffers few changes.

mountainous regions and population who live there, provide a good example of temporality, showing how, in this dimension, customs, linked to geographic features, change little, since their environment does not change, what Braudel called the very long duration.

For him, historians concentrated their attention only on processes of short duration, leaving aside the other temporalities, offering only a glimpse of history, without reaching any elucidaçã Others What

involved, therefore also leave spatialities geographical background.

To achieve the goal of reading the starting of this month, would be needed macroabordagens, penetrating the three modes, entering in fact the geographical spatiality and their specificities, realizing, for example, both the questions is es of regional and wider spaces.

Only then could make the writing of history a real tool for unraveling the past, clearing the night like a firefly.

Regional History and spatiality.

The historiographical renewal made in the twentieth century, fostered by Annales, expanded the fields and territories of the historian, among which a theoretical spatiality that was largely inspired by reflections Braudelian which occupies twice the space of meaning: a Regional History.

Despite a history dating back to at least a decade earlier, emerged in 1970 as a response to the phenomenon of globalization that would increase from next decade.

The trend was not just small portions of a geographic territory or country, but could also address physical spatiality; before he could see through the whitespace ; it's the historical dynamics, forcing the historian to deal with the processes of differentiation of areas.

Thus, when designing a new conception of history and should have a more adequate understanding of the concerns identities linked to the Regional History was another piece of theoretical spatiality in historiography.

Simultaneously, the physical elements included in the regions to understand the demography, economy, politics, culture, after all the experiences of social groups historically linked with a territorial base in many cases geographically constituted. What

not allow history to be confused with the Regional Micro-history, since, while studying the first cut by the reality itself, the the second is a reduction of scale of observation to observe things that could not be perceived in the macro analysis. Even

because, unlike the call history to smithereens, the scale of Regional History can be a macro-analysis, both theoretically and geographically. Paradoxically, the concept encompasses other methodologies and approaches auxiliaries, such as, for example, or the cultural history of mentalities, or the concept of representations.

This is because the regional historiography tests the validity of theories developed from other parameters.

a rule, a whole country or a region, in general, the hegemony of dominant groups, tends to distort the reading of the past, forcing the historian to confront realities particular and concrete, the which often show inadequate or incomplete when analyzed by a single theoretical perspective.

Moreover, the Regional History understands itself as part of a system of relations that includes a region which should be defined by reference system that provides its principle of identity, ranging from the international system, or within one of the units of a political system, and a region whose boundaries do not coincide with the legally defined political imitate .

What has implications not only from the standpoint of the object, but also the sources.

By working with the Regional History, the historian finished studying the collective memory, built not only of particularized visions of the past, represented by orality, but also based on documents.

These provide living testimony of the past, perpetuating recordaçãoa such a point of elaboration, as Lefebvre noted, what was not recorded ends up losing, having transformed themselves into something that already is no more.

In most cases, the documents are not held in public archives and made available for research.

The historian must locate the material that may be held by families or institutions which make it difficult for several reasons.

making it easier and usual recourse to oral sources, which in this context, end up becoming an important and often the only source available and requires an attention to that research is not compromised with the interests of the interviewee or distorted responses.

This observation brings another spatiality that is theoretical at this point with the Regional History ie, the Oral History.

Requiring a historian's attempt to remain impartial, which is almost never possible in view of the professional history has, too, entered into a time and space.

Subject, therefore, the various influences, among which the theoretical spatiality, belonging or passing, in several cases, many of them walking through porous borders.

Spatiality and Territories theoretical

much history as the Regional Oral History are just one of many areas of theoretical history, born at front and methodological discussions surrounding the definition of history, debates that are part also of Quest ; the spatiality of the historiographical and technical definition of territories.

this sense, whether the craft of the historian is merely the domain of these methods and techniques, limited to a theoretical set, or even a year imagination, to construct a plausible narrative, among other possible, one can not deny that the rise of the Annales School has opened a different theoretical stance and methodological .

The chain is purposed to discuss the history, against the collection of facts perpetrated by past trends, attempting to exempt themselves from ideology, although this attempt is subject to numerous criticisms, already , the historian, is the fruit of your time, you'll never draw an impartial analysis.

Upon questioning, the School was divided into several theoretical lines, inspiring even the curious and amateur historians, notably serving as a base to create departments and lines of research in the most diverse academic realm.

Similar to what happened when the University of São Paulo was founded in 1933 when, among the waves of imported foreign teachers to meet the demand for a highly qualified faculty, was present Fernand Braudel, one of the most notorious Rivers representatives Annales, and perhaps its greatest promoter.

is true that, before the theoretical thinking of the twentieth century, we had concepts that directly interfered in the concept of history, including changing the relationship between historical knowledge and other areas, such as the Enlightenment, positivism, the methodical German school or Marxism.

However, the spaces historiographical today are much more complex, comprising a major difficulty: the determination of boundaries between areas, since the concepts of entanglement and communicate continuously, hidden amid the problems, hypotheses, responses and storylines. According

Joseph D'Assunção Barros, a Brazilian historians that has been noted by numerous and illuminating work on theory of history, "one of the most interesting phenomena of historiography in the twentieth century refers to the multitude of areas where knowledge is shared today historiography. "

For the author, contemporaneously, the spaces in theoretical fits historiography, could be divided into dimensions, approaches and domains corresponding, respectively, the classical division in approaches, methods and themes . By

dimensions or approaches, he believes one way of looking at history and its role within society, foregrounding a sphere of human life over others, where we could frame the major historiographical schools until the appearance of Annales.

Although today, we could also include perspectives such as political, social, demographic, economical, anthropological, cultural as well as the history of mentalities, history the Imaginary, Geo-History, Material Culture, the History and Ethno-Psycho-History.

Despite these dimensions to mix and move as the historical context and the relationships established with approaches and policies after the advent of the claim of scientific history, the most common perspective in the nineteenth century was undoubtedly the political, intimately related to the positivism and Methodical German School.

At the end of this period, faced by the economic approach, supported by Marxism, emerged the History of Material Culture as one of its offshoots.

current that would be revitalized by the historiography in the 1970s and now gets a new breath, mingled with the New Cultural History of American historian Lynn Hunt, the latter reborn in 1989.

because, as noted Professor Thomas Elias Saliba, culture has become the key category for understanding the contemporary world, given that the social, economic, political and ideological ; magic are intertwined in their primary mode of representation.

However, the History of Culture was already present in the conceptions of Fernand Braudel, although more evident in studies of the imagination of Jacques Le Goff, was this field of study funded by least 100 years before.

emerged in the 1870s with the work of the Swiss Jacob Burckhardt, who fostered the tradition of concentration of works based on the classic story, the masterpieces of art, literature, philosophy and science.

Forging a historiography that investigates the connections between different areas and historical context of production, in order to understand what Hegel called the zeitgeist, so then already Linked to the History of Material Culture.

also opposed to political history, alongside the cultural and economic perspective, the beginning of the twentieth century built Social History, Annales and strengthened by later today in Brazil in the dominant media aca ; tamarins.

This new dimension has been crossed by other approaches, making the new arrangements suffer historiographical kaleidoscope, creating multiple fractions.

Among them, approaches or methods, conceptually defined as a way of narrating the story from certain fields of observation, resulting in different forms of treatment and choice of fonts. Where

fall Archaeology, the biographies, Micro-History, Oral History, and in a sense, even the Regional History. A theoretical spatiality

complemented by areas or themes, specific guidance between subjects and objects, with more precise definition of themes such as Gender, Sexuality, Art Ideas, Religion, Law, Daily Life, among many others.

spaces with boundaries not always clearly delineated, but that interfered in the conception of history and narrative of historians, including changing the very notion of geographical territory , resulting in multiple rows and historiographical trends.

conclusion

Throughout the history of history, the very definition of the nature historical knowledge has undergone substantial changes, some more visible than others, but all engaged directly or indirectly, around the time and spatiality.

This, with respect to the last element in a double sense, both the territorial and theoretical bias. Noting

historiography, we can see clearly that each restructuring of the historical narrative was a critique of previous approaches. The

involving an intense debate confined to the scholarship of the universities represented for theses, dissertations and articles with a readership of specialized and restricted.

A stance opposing the journalistic narrative disclosure of the books written by non-specialists, in many cases whether by historians, for a wider audience.

Estas narrativas constituem um terreno fartamente explorado pelos jornalistas, historiadores do agora, o que não invalida a sua contribuição ao enriquecimento do conhecimento humano.

Since science-based, these texts represent only different views of the same reality, for this reason, some have even been incorporated into the historiography professionalized.

least because it also happens in the academic realm, where several theories offer different answers to the same problem, with some forgotten or put aside over time, while others become classic reference works.

this sense, like reading the past can never be molded into a final form, the discussion of historiography is always on the agenda of the day, always be an academic of intense discussion.

There could be different for the sake of history itself is healthy that we have different versions for the same facts, with many different narratives, so that the reader, he also subject of history, do not be at the mercy of answers, having available a framework that allows you to draw your own conclusions.

Thus, as Jacques Le Goff said, not There is no history society, which leads to the concept of historicity, the membership of each individual on their time and space, the commonalities that all people share a certain time and from which nobody can escape, whether or not professional historians.

So, if there is a paradigm in history as the concept formulated by Thomas Kuhn, confined to a referential basis upon which a theoretical set is constructed, this can only be regarded as the historical time in which the historian is limited, which ends in interfering territorial conception of spatiality and theoretical and that, paradoxically, it also interferes with the concept of temporality.

Since plural nature of historical knowledge, comprising a multiplicity of mutually contradictory theories and that plausibly explain the past, providing different views and angles that do not vanish; historiography can only be defined as a set of narratives to a limited time and space, turning and shuffling the spatiality geographical, territorial, with theoretical issues.

To learn more about the subject

AMADO, J. History and region: recognizing and building spaces. In: SILVA, Marcos Antonio da (ed.). Republic into crumbs, regional and local history. São Paulo: Marco Zero, 1990.

BARROS, Jose D'Assunção. "History, regiãoe spatiality" In: Journal of Regional History, v. 10. Ponta Grossa: UEPG, Summer, 2005, p.95-129.

BARROS, Jose D'Assunção. The field of history, specialties and approaches. Petrópolis: Vozes, 2004.

Braudel, Fernand. The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean world at the time of Philip II. São Paulo: Martins Fontes, 1984.

Braudel, Fernand. "The situation of History in 1950" In: On history. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980.

BURCKHARDT, Jacob. The culture of the Renaissance in Italy. São Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 1991.

BURKE, Peter. The Annales School. São Paulo: Unesp, 1997.

CARDOSO, Ciro and Vainfas Flammarion, Ronaldo (eds). Realms of History: essays on the theory and methodology. Rio de Janeiro: Campus, 1997.

Chesneaux, Jean. We must make a clean sweep of the past?: History and historians. New York: Attica, 1995.

CRUSH, J. "Post-Colonialism, De-Colonization and Geography" In: Godlewska & Smith. Geography and Empire. Oxford: Blackwell, 1994.

COSTA, Rogério Haesbaert of. The myth of dispossession: the "end of territory" to "multi-territorial." Rio de Janeiro: Bertrand Brazil, 2007.

Engels, Friedrich. The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State. São Paulo: Scale, sd Febvre, Lucien. La terre et la evolution humaine, Paris: 1922.

GOMES, Paulo Cesar da Costa. Geography and Modernity. Rio de Janeiro: Bertrand Brazil, 1996.

Hegel, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich. Introduction to the lessons on the history of philosophy. Porto: Porto Editora, 1995.

HUNT, Lynn. New Cultural History. São Paulo: Martins Fontes, 2001.

la Blache, Paul Vidal of. Atlas historique géographique &. Paris: Colin, 1951.

la Blache, Paul Vidal. Principes de géographie humaine. Paris: Librairie Armand Colin, 1922.

LEFEBVRE. Georges. La naissance de l'historiografhie moderne. Paris: Flammarion, 1971.

LE GOFF, Jacques. History and Memory. Campinas: Unicamp, 1994.

KUHN, Thomas. The Structure of Scientific Revolutions. São Paulo: Perspectiva, 1997.

MAGNOLIA, Demetrius. A Drop of Blood: a history of racial thinking. São Paulo: Contexto, 2009.

MARTINS, José de Souza. Frontier: the degradation of another in the confines of the world. São Paulo: Contexto, 2009.

MARTINS, Marcos Lobato. "Regional History" In: Pinsky, Carla Bassanezi (ed.). New topics in history classes. São Paulo: Contexto, 2009, p.135-152.

MASTROGREGORI, Massimo. "Historiography and the tradition of remembrance" In: Writing history: theory and history of historiography. São Paulo: Contexto, 2006, p.65-93.

Marx, Karl. Capital. New York: Centaur, 2005.

MONTENEGRO, Antonio Torres. Oral history and memory, popular culture revisited. São Paulo: Contexto, 2003.

SALIBA, Elias Thomé. "Modernist Culture in New York" In: Historical Studies, no. 11: 1993, p.128-132.

SANTOS, Milton. For A New Geography. São Paulo: Hucitec, 1996.

THOMPSON, Edward P. "Folklore, Anthropology and Social History" In: The peculiarities of the English and other items. Campinas: Unicamp, 2001.

Veyne Paul. How to write the story. Brasília: UnB, 1998. Retrieved from

http://fabiopestanaramos.blogspot.com/2010/12/historiografia-e-espacialidades.html

Tiffany Towers And Minka

Interview with Roger Chartier

By Isabel Lustosa

"I can not accept the idea that he is identified with the dust , s-modernism that all speeches are always possible because they refer to the position of those who never sets and the object ", says historian in an exclusive interview


found Roger Chartier in the lobby of the Casa de Rui Barbosa on the day before this interview. He was returning from lunch with Sandra Pesavento, your friend and organizer of the Seminar on Cultural History, which was participating. Sandra already had spoken to me and said I am interested in talking with him, so when we saw each other she waved away. Immediately, the teacher came among Chartier encounter with that friendly smile is one of its characteristics. For Roger Chartier, along with being a celebrity in the academic world, is extremely simple, affable, almost Carioca in natural way and humorous of approaching people, leaving them at will. We arranged the interview for the following morning (16/09/2004), the Gloria Hotel, where the historian likes to stay in Rio de Janeiro. Knowing how

Chartier has been interviewed by historians and journalists and following my natural inclination to learn about the lives of people supervised my first questions in order to know a little biography of the interviewee. Chartier bravely to become himself an object of study, but in the legitimate exercise of resistance here gives us an interesting reflection on the issue biographical.

Interviewed which facilitates the work of the interviewer, because it reacts to issues with clarity, wit and erudition, which highlights Chartier's speech is his permanent interest in issues related to their work. The way to articulate and intelligent as their answers spring to denounce the intellectual work and life mix as in proposition Wright Mills: "The scholarship is a choice of how to live and while a career choice; either knew or not, the knowledge worker to form his own self As you approach the perfection of his craft. "

Director at the School for Advanced Studies in Social Sciences in Paris, and professor specializing in history of cultural practices and history of reading, Roger Chartier is one of the best known historians of today, with works published in countries around the world. His theoretical breakthrough opened up new possibilities for studies in cultural history and stimulates the permanent renewal in ways to read and make history.

Chartier was visiting professor at numerous foreign universities (Princeton, Montreal, Yale, Cornell, Johns Hopkins, Chicago, Pennsylvania, Berkeley, etc.) in Brazil and published the following books: "History of private life, vol. 3: Renaissance to the Enlightenment "(Companhia das Letras)," Writing Culture, literature and history "(Artmed)," Ways of meaning - Writing Culture: between distinçãoe apropriaç ; will "(Mercado de Letras)," The challenges of writing "(ed. Unesp), "The Adventure of the book" (UNESP), The edge of the cliff "(Editor's University)," From Stage to Page "(House of the Word)," The order books & rdquo ; (UNB), "History of Reading in the Western world" (Attica), Practices of reading "(Liberty Station)," The power of libraries: the memory books West (under the direction of M. freak and C. Jacob, Ed UFRJ) and "Reading and readers in France's Ancien Regime "(UNESP).

Who is Roger Chartier? How your work relates to your life story?

Roger Chartier: I always have some caution with personal issues. I think when we talk to each other, build something impossible to be honest, a representation of themselves to those who will read or for yourself. I remind you, in this respect, the text of Pierre Bourdieu on the biographical illusion or delusion autobiographical. Bourdieu criticizes such a narrative in which life is treated as a path of consistency, as a single wire, when we know that the existence of any person, multiply the hazards, the causalities the opportunities.

Another aspect of the biographical or autobiographical illusion to think that things are very unique, singular, personal, when, in fact, often collective experiences, shared with persons belonging to the same generation. When making an autobiographical is almost impossible to avoid falling into that double illusion: the illusion or the uniqueness of people in the face of shared experiences or the illusion of perfect coherence in a path of life.

I think this kind of reporting makes sense only if we can correlate a detail, something that is purely anecdotal, with social or academic world in which we live. Pierre Nora introduced the idea of "self-story" a collection of essays where eight autobiographies are met: George Duby, Jacques Le Goff, Pierre Duby, among others. They were known authors talking about their personal background or relating it to the choice of a particular historical period or field. But personally I find it very difficult to avoid the anecdotal or too personal in this kind of story. As you in mind, aiming to understand their own social destiny? I think we must first be within the social world and then make an effort to dissociation of character: the character and the character who talks about what they say, that's the same guy .

That said, we can enter with some caution, in answer to your question. I was born in Lyon and pertençoa a social world outside of the dominant, with no tradition in academia. My school and university career was a consequence of this origin. In France, the dominant feature was the play: the school and university system meant that the children reproduce the same social positions of parents. Pierre Bourdieu and Jean Claude Passeron dealt with this subject in two books. The first, published in 1964, was called "heirs" and the second, 1970, "Playback."

course there is room for people who come from other social horizon can circumvent this tendency. My own trajectory belongs to this exception. To understand it you need some knowledge of the social reality of post-war France, between 1950 and 60, when the predominant mating system, but there was also some opportunity for advancement for people of other social origins. I think, however, that when there is this kind of tension between a dominant form of school and individuality of different origin that can stick this system always remains something of this tension, this difficulty.

British historian, Richard Hoggart, in his book "The Uses of Literacy," reflects on his own path of fellow student from a family of laborers. This affiliation to the place of origin, this ratio between autobiography and object of study was extremely useful in the case of Hoggart, do not you think?

Chartier: Translated into French as "La culture du pauvre," Hoggart's book is really wonderful, because he can articulate biographical elements with a deep reflection on the media for the classes, in this case the English working class of the 1940s and '50s. The main purpose of this book is to question the idea that all readers or listeners of the productions of this industry cultural strongly believed in their messages. Live under a form of alienation, subject to social models that the messages of mass media from time-radio, cinema and magazine-imposed.

Hoggart wanted to show that there was a much more complex, ambivalent, between believing and not believing, accepting ficçãoe at the same time, be aware that this is a unreal world, a world of fable, fiction. The opposition between the nose the other was a very clear Hoggart in the book and the way establishes the relationship between personal history and sociological discussion seems very fair and appropriate.

In Lyon, however, were not a working class in the same sense of Hoggart. We lived in a world of artisans who worked in one way or another in the dominant activity in the city that is silk. There was something like what Hoggart describes the relationship with horoscopes, with the mass circulation daily and the songs. But there was only the circulation of cultural products that describes Hoggart, there was also a certain taste for a part of mainstream culture. The opera, for example, was very popular. In Lyon

of my childhood going to the opera as if going to the movies, twice, three times a week. It was a very popular non-ownership of the entire repertoire of opera, but mostly of Italian opera by Verdi, the French. My father saw "Carmen" 25 times. This relationship has changed between 1960 and 1970, when this world of artisans was gradually disappearing and in its place came a deeper fracture between the world who come to those who like opera and other forms of entertainment.

One thing that struck me as interesting in the book Hoggart is the importance that the literature had to their training. I imagine that in France, where the literary tradition is so strong, a training based on these readings youth should influence the possibility of breaking with the system reproduction. Do not you think?

Chartier: In fact, in France, the literature was very important in school. Mainly because the primary school curriculum used for several years teaching the classics fragments of Victor Hugo, the 19th-century novelists such as Alphonse Daudet. Thus, as school is mandatory, each one, until the age of 14 years, including people from the grassroots level, had a direct, albeit fragmentary, with this body of literature that defines the French literature.

For students of high schools also had the complete repertoire of classical literature of the 17th century: Corneille, Molière, Racine. There was a strong impregnation of what, in a canonical definition, call it literature. I do not know if it still is today, because the primary or secondary school fell off a little of that corpus of canonical texts and opened to contemporary authors.

Media changed too much. Recall that in the 1960s there was only one television network that left the air at eight-thirty at night and that read Corneille. Present a public network, with a unique programming for all, at half past eight, a classic text, it is unthinkable today. Except in private channels for a certain audience.

The world has changed profoundly in the late 1960s. 1968 was a landmark of cultural disruption, not necessarily in the sense that is usually thought: an opening, the breakdown of authority in ways more open behavior. But there were also 68 from the aggravation was that spirit of trade, with the destruction of the cultural dimension, for example, television.

Destruction in the sense that there is not only shared the ability for everyone to see or turn off the television. Now there's an infinite fragmentation, there are channels for those who like pop, for those who like rock, classical music. It a form of cultural fragmentation that can also be seen as a form of freedom and diversification. But at the same time, mark 68 tambémo disappearance of a shared culture and ingrained as a reference to national and universal literature.

My generation was in Brazil, perhaps the last in which the reading of the classics of world literature was a habit. I think that created a universe of reference for our generation is different from the youth today. How is that universe of cultural references that originate from reading the classics is the basis of the worldview of the historian of today? On the other hand, how the universe expanded cultural reference more contributed to the acceptance of interdisciplinary approaches?

Chartier: We should not think that the past was necessarily better. There are authors who specialize in this kind of pessimistic diagnosis. I think instead that it reads more today than in 1950. Even as the computer is not only a new vehicle for pictures or games. He is also responsible for the multiplication of the presence of the writer in contemporary societies. On the computer so you can read the classics in scholarly journals and in general. Readings may not necessarily be essential, enriching, but they are reading.

can not say, therefore, that we are watching the demise of print culture. The problem is that written culture persists. It is difficult understanding the link between unstable when the new cultural forms, the new preferences of young people and which remains a fundamental reference. The fact that the texts read by teenagers on the computer, his favorite readings, do not belong to that set literary repertoire is not necessarily a bad thing. The problem is a discrepancy between this new culture and reference designs that, in our view, would be more consistent and provide more resources for understanding the social world, to understand himself and the representation of another.

For this I have no answer, but I think that there are two positions should be avoided. One is that it considers that the presence of literature in everyday reality belong to a world definitely gone. I do not think a proper diagnosis as there are, in actuality, an effort within the school and outside school to preserve the literary culture. What makes this effort is difficult to identify which, if before he was clear and focused on some activities, today it is diversified through, for example, new and varied media.

The other is the position of those who think that there is nothing helpful, useful or important in this new world. Posture that seems very inadequate when we think about educational possibilities created by new technologies, various experiences for literacy, for the transmission of knowledge from a distance.

I think it is the responsibility intellectuals, the media, publishers, ensuring the transmission of knowledge about the world through projects that link the aesthetic or scientific dimension with everyday existence. So people are not fully subject to the laws of the market, uncertainty or anxiety, the key is to give each instrument enabling him to decipher the world he lives and his own situation will in this world. This knowledge that can come from sociology, literature, history, would enable the dominant resistance to the impositions that come from all sides: the ideological discourses and messages of the media, mass culture etc..

What Hoggart described in his wonderful book was the way we can also mold in the building through knowledge. This is a dense and strong experience which can be obtained through literary texts, the present or the past, a perspective that involves both the transmission of beauty, but also a critical dimension. But I think that if there is not a literary way to acquire knowledge about the social world, why go to the most vulnerable tools for unraveling this world?

Despite the theoretical value that modern historiography has always promoted the narrative historians see the work yet with a certain modesty, following each narrated fact a careful analysis of that aspect and then using called the argument from authority. It seems to me that prejudge the outcome of the narrative point of view, because, in general, becomes fragmented and uninteresting. What do you think?

Chartier: Between the 1950s and '60s, historians have sought a way of knowing controlled, supported on technical research, statistical measures, theoretical concepts etc.. They believed that the knowledge inherent in the story should take precedence over narrative, because they thought the world was the world of narrative fiction, the imaginary world of imagination. From this perspective the narrative historians rejected and despised professional historians writing biographies that followed, factual history and all that. The French Annales tradition was one that led to further this trend.

Today, however, the situation became more complicated. One reason is that authors such as Hayden White and Paul Ricoeur, showed that even when historians use statistics or other structuralist method, produce a narrative. I mean: when they say such a thing is cause or consequence of another, establish a sequential order, make use of a design temporality, which is the same as a novel and a historiographical account.

the same time, abstract entities such as classes, values and concepts, work in the discourse of historians almost as characters, there is a whole way of embodiment of the collective or abstract entities. Thus the historian can not avoid the story, even when consciously rejects. For the writing of history itself, by way of joint events, the use of the concept of causality, work always with the same structures and the same characters in a fictional narrative.

It is from this kinship between the narrative of ficçãoea historical narrative that begs the question: where is the difference? Some postmodern critics have adopted a radical relativism and decided there was diferençae that the story was fiction not only in the sense of form. I mean not saying that there is no truth in the story, but the truth of historical knowledge was absolutely similar to the truth of a novel.

Other historians, among which I insert, believe there is something specific in the historical discourse, for it is built from specific techniques. It may be a history of political events or description of a company or a practice of cultural history, to produce it the historian must read the documents, organize your supplies, manage té techniques of analysis using criteria of evidence. Things that a novelist should not worry.

So if you need to adopt these techniques in particular, because there is a different intention in making history: that is to restore the truth of the story and that is the subject of this report. The historian today must find a way to meet this requirement assumes that scientific knowledge about the technique, individuals seeking evidence, knowing that whatever their form of writing that always belong to the category of reports, narrative. Some historians

then decided not worthwhile to fight the inevitable and began to use resources more convincing narrative in the service of an historical demonstration. Adopted forms of narrative which would ensure, say, the mise-en-scène of proof. Historians like Carlo Ginzburg uses storytelling techniques that are even more cinematic than novelistic properly. Several other intersecting life stories.

I think the situation Current is not an absolute opposition between narrative and history as ficçãoea know, but a knowledge that is written through the narrative and then be required reflection on what kind of narrative to adopt. A narrative which respects the discourse of knowledge, but at the same time is attractive to an audience of readers. Not an easy task, but there are examples that demonstrate what can be done.

Perhaps here we can put the question tambéma talent of the narrator. Some history books, like Robert Darnton, Nathalie Zemon Davis and Michel Volvelle, are well written, enjoyable to read ...

Chartier: This is a matter of talent, yes, but also to the research field. I think there are ways of knowing in the humanities and social sciences that are absolutely fundamental, but that can not be presented in ways so sexy or even that it would not necessarily find a great public ; public. If

one works, for example, about archaeological techniques in ancient Mesopotamia or on a theme of economic history more difficult, obviously the scientific criteria required for the completion the work of the format away from a more seductive, easy to readers. If one works, for example, on the Greek philology, setting the text of a tragedy by Sophocles, is a major contribution to knowledge, but let's not think that goes sell 100 000 copies.

I say this because I think that in France, particularly after the success of books like "Montaillou," Le Roy Ladurie, has set itself the idea that every work of history should necessarily attract a large audience. From that publishers began to focus on the books dealing with subjects that were in fashion, adopting an attitude of contempt toward more modest or difficult work.

one hand it is very nice to think that the historian should not remain in his ivory tower, so they're doing something useful to provide a critical tool to the public to think their collective past and their contemporary world. But it becomes dangerous when the search for success away from the historian of the objects or their own criteria of scientific practice.

The important thing is to establish forms of mediation. Currently, along with Michelle Perrot, Jacques Le Goff, mind of a radio program in Paris, "Les matins de France culture", where we discuss books you can hardly find a large audience. But if there is mediation, the public can have an idea of the progress of knowledge. This is an example of what I consider a form of mediated knowledge.

Some time ago I did a review on a book of essays by anthropologist James Clifford. I had a certain feeling of discomfort before reading postmodern and deconstructionist he makes the ethnographic tradition. The ethnography was an instrument created by Western culture to understand people from other cultures, does not mean that those people had the same desire we understand or understand themselves, or even that they thought that ethnography would be the appropriate tool for this. Each culture has its own ways of relating with the world. In my view, has always been part of a historical basis, ideological or cultural to do something, to think or act. Postmodernism was an exercise in deconstruction of Western culture, and our base is the universe of information that make up Western culture. It is what gives us the tools and motivation to think about us and the world. And even to make a critique of this way of thinking.

Chartier: I think in a sense, the work of James Clifford is parallel to that of Hayden White. I think it's something legitimate historians and anthropologists to reflect on own writing. For too long the writing was seen as a neutral medium to talk about the past or to describe another. It was essential to make it a subject of reflection, as did White, thinking about the role, in writing of historian, as elements of rhetoric and figures that manage to write about the past. The same James Clifford made with respect to devices that anthropologists use in their work.

Another key contribution of this current was the idea that there is a gap required between the present and past, or between the anthropologist and the other, which can not be broken by IDE ; would universality and understanding of itself. This conception is based on the concept of discontinuity of Foucault, who showed that there is disruption in concepts such as madness, medicine, clinical and sexuality. This approach provides an awareness of the limits of the use of investigative techniques or observation. It also assumes a form of ethics in research, meeting with others, past or today.

But both the text and in the Clifford White is an absolute relativism. I can not accept the idea that he is identified with postmodernism that all speeches are possible because they always refer to position of the person who never sets and the object. According to this view, discourse is always self-produced: it says nothing about the object and says everything about who wrote it.

seems to me a wrong conclusion from premises interesting because, in the case of both the history and anthropology, a production of knowledge is possible and necessary. It is also a perspective that draws on the arguments of political correctness, assuming as a way of respecting others, one who is absolutely unknown, keeping her own identity.

This juxtaposition of anthropological historical situations or situations where there is no communication, no exchange, nor knowledge, it seems a terribly reductionist way of what could be a project of shared knowledge. That is why I completely disagree with this post-modern attitude, this idea that there is no possibility of knowledge. It

different from saying that this knowledge has always been organized from the schemes of perception, classificaçãoe understanding of the observer. And that if there are ways of cultural discontinuity, we must, nonetheless, make an effort to understand the past and others. It was from this dual perspective that built a knowledge, and it seems that the fundamental work of history and anthropology show that this knowledge is not only possible but also may be offered to other for self-knowledge-to make the object of knowledge can become their own manufacturers, not just depending on the knowledge produced by anthropologists or historians.

seems to me that, so is the movement of the critical force of knowledge. If this is destroyed, we fall in absolute relativism. What I think would be a tragic conclusion, while very ideological.

Right now we have the feeling that everything has become possible: practices that were banned by a number of international agreements in the postwar being implemented by the U.S. in the war in Iraq or keep people detained without trial in Guantanamo. At the same time, there is loss of strength from international bodies like the UN. Insofar as we know that great ideas are filtered and incorporated into the agenda of common sense, the prospect of radically postmodern relativist would not affect in any way in this type of policy , draining confidence in some of the achievements of humanism and culture of the West?

Chartier: The greatest paradox of postmodernism is that stems from a critical perspective of the authorities, hierarchies and dominant elements, but with the introduction of the epistemological dimension of relativism, the analysis is left with no recourse to support this stance crit Science. Because if everything is possible, all the speeches may differ by jurisdiction rhetoric, for its art of expression, but in terms of knowledge and as critical instrument there is no difference ; in between. This creates a fundamental tension.

Hayden White, for example, is a humanist who shares the moral values of humanism. But the application of his approach to history does not give tools to produce a critical knowledge, to refute the false and establish a true knowledge. Because if there are no criteria to establish differences between the discourses of historians, it becomes very difficult to criticize the misleading statements, the false and attempts to rewrite the past. This is, to me, the great limit of postmodernism: the contradiction between his intençãoea its epistemology.

In his book The Great Cat Massacre, "Robert Darnton adopts the ideas and methods of Clifford Gertz, giving treatment to an ethnographic object of historical study. This expanded focus on one detail seems to produce a distorted view of the object. How do you see this kind of research?

Chartier: There was a big debate after the publication Darnton's book. One of the strongest criticism made him have to do with their identification with the ideas of Geertz and his tendency to textualization structures, practices and rituals all culture. The starting point of Darnton, using Geertz's idea of a rite that can be read as a text, one could think of was that the social practices as if they were texts.

In "The Great Cat Massacre" sources that are Darnton relies mainly textual. Historians who work with texts developed in the first place, a critical analysis of the text. However, Darnton hardly moves in that direction. To treat the text as a rite that is as a deletion of text in which the rite is narrated. When one looks carefully that work a problem arises: one can not say if the killing is real or imaginary, if he had really. He mentions the text of an artisan, but does not give you the utmost importance, because if you want to immediately put in the position of a spectator the massacre. As Geertz in Bali.

We can not think that there is a necessary identity between logic proper textual practices and strategies. Foucault studied his books in the series tensions between discursive and non-discursive systems. Michel de Certeau has shaped it in the tension between the discursive strategies and tactics of appropriation. Bourdieu reflected on the reasons for scholastic and practical sense. In these three cases of theoretical vocabularies What's different in common is the differentiation between the logic of textual production or deciphering a text using the writing and the practices or strategies other forms of construction, which are daily practices, etc the usual.

This is in opposition to the idea that Geertz seems to want to see all the practices of the social world as if they are decipherable texts. The more complicated for the historian is that these non-textual practices in general are through texts. The key challenge for the historian is to understand the relationship between the available texts and practices that these texts prohibit, prescribe, condemn, represent, describe, criticize, etc.. The key is to think the irreducibility between the logic of practice and logic of discourse that, as Bourdieu would say, do not be confused.

past practices are accessible to us, in general, through written texts. And the historian writes about these practices. In describing them the historian has to be clear that the write operation does not create a particular form of relationship with these practices, which became knowable through its mediation. The fundamental challenge is to think conceptually and methodologically articulaçãoea distance between the practices and discourses and to avoid repetition of that time between the years 1950-60, in the metaphor of the text would apply to all: the rites, society etc.. It was very comfortable.

So any document that is not written, that is not text, for the historian puts this kind of problem. Such is the case for working with image-object that can not be tackled through methods or rules very schematic, do not you think?

Chartier: The image is a magnificent example to think about what we said, it is not a widespread practice, is quiet, not even a text. I think we want to analyze it as a text view is theoretically wrong, because the logic of building the image or the image decoding is not the same text. It seems to me that the logic and rationale textual graphics are not identified.

textual logic is necessarily a linear logic, the writing is described by sequential order. And reading, even when going from one fragment to another, is a sequential read. The observation of a table is not organized according to this sequential order. It is something with its own logic and that is not identified with the logic of texts. There is a question of different plans, different inputs.

To restore the logic in decoding the image, the historian must necessarily wield the sequential or linear writing. The result of this effort is a tension. Which is not to be such an impossible task, but you must be aware of their difficulties. My friend Louis Marin, whose work I admire, has built a argumentaçãoa purpose of how to make text with images. He cites "salons", article in which a framework in Diderot transforms text to criticize him. And the whole aesthetic criticism assumes that transaction to make text with images.

Contrary to this, make images from texts, is the principle of all Christian iconography. Texts become images, and vice versa, but they are never identical to each other, because there are all sorts of interpretations, mediations, appropriations. You can use the metaphor of the image as text, such as reading or observation. But one should be aware that it is just a way of speaking, that there is an adequate logical-theoretical between the two documents and never dissolves the irreducibility of difference.

A perfect demonstration of the irreducibility occurred when some poets to break with this logic and sequential linear and presented the text written as a graphic with a form where you could enter text differently, without the imposition of the linear order of writing. It was an effort to make the writing was identified by its more graphically than by their semantic content. In my view the issues regarding the pictures are always traveling between the area from the textual criticism of aesthetic criticism.

Another issue is the style of rhetoric in the text of the story. For example, the ironic treatment of the problem, as you identified in Hayden White.

Chartier: When Hayden White describes the four rhetorical figures that would always be used by historians, includes, beside of metaphor, synecdoche and metonymy, irony as a way of historical writing that can be used even for topics that do not have the irony as an object. I know of many historians who have used this feature to write history books, perhaps because of the tension that causes the use of irony in the text.

I think making people laugh was the idea Darnton in "The Great Cat Massacre," to disclose the text on those artisans for whom it was very fun to kill cats. In all these works we find that we are facing a discontinuity. The devices, themes, forms, genres that, at any given time, cause laugh or smile are historically defined.

At the same time, if we can understand why this fact made us laugh at the Renaissance because there is sufficient continuity so that other aspects are perceived, defined and understood. And what else we have discussed with postmodernism is about the need to recognize the historical discontinuities without falling into relativism which states that there is no relationship possible through a distance and depth so that it is impossible to understand any another.

Lately, here in Brazil, have been circulating on the internet texts falsely attributed to famous writers and journalists. They are texts that have a certain identity with the style of the alleged perpetrator, but they are renegades with indignation. There have been also cases of texts attributed to Jorge Luis Borges and Gabriel García Márquez, who, after having run much in the network, experts be denied them. What other problems to the question of authorship internet leads?

Chartier: This is an opposite approach to plagiarism, which is stealing a job and sign it, while here you steal someone's name to put in your own text. But this is not a phenomenon directly linked to the Internet. This only changed the form of circulation of forgeries.

Lope de Vega, for example, in the middle 16th century, complained that other writers used his name to sell comedies too bad that he had never written. To protect himself, he published a list of all its works, which were many, about 450, because he was very prolific.

In the world of print and theatrical appropriation of this name may have several purposes in the case of Vega served to sell the comedies. It can also be used to think of himself as capable of writing a text by Borges. In the case of Borges, seems a welcome phenomenon, since he wrote many works signed with names that were not his, as if they were written in the 18th century.

The copyright is based on the idea that the text is a creation, part of an individual, expressing their feelings, their language. The relationship between text and subjectivity, the idea that the text is a projection of the individual as having economic consequence of ownership arises from the text half of the 18th century. The problem of textual circulation in electronic form, when there ways to close the text is that it created difficulties for the rights of literary property. Each text can be changed sent by the reader and the internet. This malleability of the text in electronic form made it difficult to protect the rights of literary property.

Foucault presented his inaugural lecture at the Collège de France the idea of a world without textual appropriation, nameless, made waves textual succeeded where everyone could write their words on an existing discourse. It was a paradox, because he had his dream of a collective textuality, indefinite, from the position more individualized, the most prestigious French university. Somehow the internet allows authors to undertake this dream as it leaves the text open to written, appropriations and amendments. But there are those believers who claim to 18th century literary property and the identity of authorship.

A theme that has been discussed in the U.S. is how to prevent the text is processed, copied or printed. This is a complicated issue because the only way to solve it is closing the texts. And this is a paradox, since the invention of the internet occurred by facilitating access to the texts.

This was the problem of e-books, a text for which you paid, but you could not alter, copy or print. Protected the rights of the publisher or author, but did not succeed because the new technology that makes this text so compelling is precisely the freedom of mobility. All inventions that come to constrain this freedom are considered violence against new technologies.

This discussion happens in the midst of scientific publications. There electronic journals that want to ban free access and the possibility of copies of published articles. And some communities are investigating that claim, the manner of Condorcet in the 18th century, that knowledge is something that may not be appropriate because it is useful to the progress of humanity.

Some research communities in biology, for example, attempt to create a form of dissemination of results outside the control of economic journals, whose signature can reach $ 8,000 or even U.S. $ 12 000 . It is a question that is still to be resolved: the internet as a free and mobile textuality as a form of publication or on the same legal criteria and aesthetic values of print publication. A control

difficult to obtain because the record industry is losing this war ...

Chartier: But the difference is that the structure of the book printed text requires the reader without he can modify it. Even if you write on the blank pages, there recognition of authorship and that this leads to economic and moral rights. But the electronic text is an open text, which can interfere. It's a big difference.

The other big difference is that the world of printed text there is a correspondence between the type of publicaçãoeo kind of text that appears in it. A magazine is not a newspaper, which is not a book that is not an official document, which is not a letter. There is a hierarchy of objects that correspond to a distinction in the taxonomy of the text. The computer break it.

From the moment the same apparatus in the same form, gives reading all types of speech in terms of gender, letter to the book, or in terms of authority, it is more difficult to the reader who is not prepared to make immediate differentiation-that is much more evident in the printed material.

Once all genres of texts, from the most intimate to the more public, if dãoa read an almost identical form on the same apparatus, there is a very big break on the way to enter or to design or manage the world of texts. For better or for worse.

For the best, because it allows this closeness between the texts, because there is a movement that is not simply textual mobility of each text separately, senãoa textual mobility, which would be a form of invention ; Aoe renewal. For the worse, when we think of denying the existence of gas chambers.

If one seeks information about the Holocaust in the world of print culture, or if, by doing a school project, consulting encyclopedias, history books, magazines recognized, will not have much contact with the propaganda of Holocaust deniers, who is outcast. In many countries it is prohibited or only in journals that are not easily. Thus, information about the Holocaust will be obtained in texts more or less controlled.

A journalist asked the same research Holocaust on the Internet and found a huge amount of advertising Holocaust denial, revisionist, presented with all the appearance of scientific text. If the reader is not prepared to establish a difference that was already established in print culture through the shape of the editorial or scientific communities, there is a likelihood of confusion between what and information OEO is to know. You know all this information revisionist propaganda, but it is not know. It is the opposite knowledge, is the falsification of truth.

The difficulty is how to manage, how to establish criteria for this. Who will establish?

Chartier: We return to our first topic of discussion. This is not about censorship but about how to recognize the authority of science. No authority in the canonical sense, but the authority which claims with evidence and proof. The texts describing a historical reality have no equivalent scientific authority. It through this that we can recognize the difference between a text of the revisionists who invented the gas chambers never existed, that never happened the massacre of millions of Jews, and a piece of a historian who can find in an encyclopedia, books on divulgaçãoe which established an adequate perception of the event.

What I say is that this differential was established scientific credibility in the world from the printed editorial differences between the types of publications and forms of discourse. We could give more credit to a book published by a publisher known for its requirement that a journal article or a private letter. This operation is not impossible with electronic text. She became more difficult.

Perhaps because credibility is something you earn over time. It's like the reputation of some universities and discredit others. Within the Internet has not had time to create portals where the user can say with complete conviction: I can trust this.

Chartier: Indeed, you must give users the Internet critical tools for understanding how the texts were constructed to assess the degree of seriousness of each site. We can not minimize the significance of breaking a world where objects and texts are linked through material with a multiple world in the same area illuminated display provides read all genres textual. The reflection on these transformations changes the perception of the texts and their differences.

There is a discontinuity with the reading we were familiar with and this implies the fundamental transformation of the relationship with something that continues to be a text, even if in different ways. The readout electronics is a reading of the fragmentation of extracts from the book, without knowing anything about the totality of which one fragment was extracted, as the fragment maintains no electronic liaison ; with the text that will guarantee the knowledge of all. The problem is whether the Internet can overcome the tendency to fragmentation.

You've guided many Brazilians. Throughout this time you've read a lot about Brazil in these theses supervised. From these readings as you see Brazil?

Chartier: I think that here there is a movement among the disciplinary fields of anthropology, history and cultural sociology stronger than elsewhere. The field of education, for example, that in many countries is very specialized, here seems to be fairly integrated into the world of social sciences. Most studies that address a supervised way or another in the world of cultural practices, the history of publicaçãoe circulation of texts and also some of the social world the history of private life, social structures of colonial Brazil. There is a vitality

impressive in this type of research. The problem is that in Europe or the United States there is a total lack of interest in other territories. Everyone is very attached to his own field of research the do not realize that you can learn much from studies on subjects that are not yours. This prevents moving numerous works that deserve to have a stronger recognition.

To publicize these jobs that have a theoretical or methodological inspiring force would be necessary to make American publishers translate Latin American works to the public that reads in English . It can be seen in references work done in Europe and the USA that many Latin American works are not in English, except works of American and British authors on Brazil.

Translation Ana Carolina Delmas

Lustosa Isabel is a political scientist, researcher at Casa de Rui Barbosa in Rio de Janeiro, and author of "Printed Insults - The War of Journalists in Independence "(Companhia das Letras, 2000).

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